Today's lesson in anarchist history brought to us courtesy of Dire Straits!
There is sooo much history out there that learning it all is impossible.
You do understand your basic human right is to self-determination?
Nobody has authority over you.
You can surrender your will, but that doesn't legitimize anything that can be called 'authority'.
You, of course, are free to be/act/comply as a good slave would, but that has nothing to do with the restivus.
The Organisation of Armed Struggle
COMRADES and EDITORS of
“Il Grido del Popolo” (The Cry of the People, ed.)
On the eve of the London Congress it is urgent that every opinion be expressed concerning immediate revolutionary action, action that is aimed at bringing the outbreak of revolution nearer.
At this congress the legalists and parliamentarians will be conspicuous by their absence, and all those present will be in perfect agreement concerning the need for violent means.
Therefore, the whole order of the day will be reduced to the following question:
How shall we organise the violence?
Two solutions will be proposed: one from the classical school, the other from the modern one.
The first will propose the disciplined order of the army division and well-defined battle lines.
The second, on the contrary, will support the scattered order of the maniple; the first will require a great concentration of strength, the second, an immense dissemination of strength.
The anarchists in France are organising with the same system: their strength is growing and is already imposing itself on the government.
All the other types of oppression which constitute the remaining States of Europe can be situated between the Russian autocracy and the French republic.
The problem, therefore, is practically resolved.
The phalanx and cohort authoritarian military type of organisation has seen its day and is now absolutely impotent, even if it is strong enough to withstand the first clash with the State.
The centralised revolutionary organisation has been broken like a pane of glass in Germany by Bismarck, without a single drop of blood being shed, while the Romanovs, with their gallows and tortures, cannot overcome the scattered organisation of small groups in Russia.
It is true that in Germany the defect was not only in the form, but also in the content of the action.
But after all, this compact strength had been so greatly exalted in the electoral field, and so much hope attached to it once the legal field had been barred, that with good reason we can attribute its defeat not only to its legalistic aims, but also too its authoritarian form.
Today it has been demonstrated that the doctrine of similitudes will be relegated to the museum along with the armour of bygone times; the strength of the revolutionaries is its antithesis – the doctrine of opposites.
To the centralising State, disciplined and disciplinary, authoritarian and despotic, we must oppose a decentralised force, free and anti-authoritarian.
Need we enumerate the advantages of the new system?
Apart from the greater strength of attack and resistance, action proceeds far more easily and quickly, everyone sacrifices more willingly possessions and life for the work of his own initiative, betrayal becomes difficult and of limited damage, defeats partial.
All attitudes and all initiatives, finding their full development, give prodigious results, like the cabiliek bomb and masterly construction of mines.
Therefore, no more offices of correspondence or statistics, no more general plans worked out in advance.
That each comrade seek to form in his own locality a group around himself, a handful which will act infallibly.
Ten men, six men (and women), can carry out actions which will find echoes all over the world.
Hardly will the actions of one group have begun, when the whole country will be covered in groups, and action become generalised.
Every group will be its own centre of action, with a plan all of its own, and a multiplicity of varied and harmonic initiatives.
The concept of the whole war will be one only: the destruction of all oppressors and exploiters.
Salute e rivoluzione anarchica
Carlo Cafiero
Neapolitan Workers’ Federation
Manifesto of the Neapolitan Workers’ Federation
NO RIGHTS WITHOUT DUTIES. NO DUTIES WITHOUT RIGHTS.
The Neapolitan Workers’ Federation recognizes and proclaims the following principles:
All beings human in nature are equal and, since they all share the same rights and duties, there are no rights without duties, no duties without rights.[1]
Since labor is a human necessity, there is a duty upon all to labor and everyone is entitled to enjoyment of the entire product of his labor.
For that very reason, the instruments of labor and raw materials belong to the whole of humanity and everyone is entitled to make use of them in pursuit of his own activities.[2]
Every individual born is entitled to be reared, fed, and educated technically, comprehensively and equally by the collective to which he has ties, and that collective is under a duty to guarantee and uphold his freedom of choice in whatever area of expertise.
Union, association and federation between individuals and collectives should be voluntary and achieved from the bottom up.
To us, the implementation of this represents the authentic Emancipation of the Proletariat, that being the great—the only goal—towards which all of our efforts should be directed; these, ipso facto, being directed, not at the establishment of fresh privileges, but at the establishment of a universal equality of rights and duties.
Since the cause of labor recognizes no borders, has no fatherland other than the world, and cannot succeed without the unanimous agreement of all the world’s workers, the Neapolitan Workers’ Federation, founded upon the precepts of freedom and autonomy, stands with all those nuclei and Workers’ Societies across the world that set themselves the same purpose as that for which it was established.[3]
The Federal Secretary: Errico Malatesta, student.
[The signatures of nine Federation members, including Carlo Cafiero, follow.]
[1] This was part of the preamble to the provisional rules of the International and was one of two sentences that Marx had inserted there as a concession to the moral language of members that followed the Italian republican Giuseppe Mazzini.
[2] This point and the previous one, together, formulate collectivism, the belief in the common ownership of the means of production and the individual enjoyment of the products of one’s labor.
[3] As Max Nettlau notes, this point expresses membership in the International in a necessarily vague form because the International had been banned by the authorities in Naples. The points from the second to the fifth reflect Bakunin’s ideas, while the others summarize items from the preamble to the provisional rules of the International.
Are you are tired of paying your masters to bomb children in far away places?
Perhaps it is time you pushed back on that.
A simple way that anybody can do that is to hoard your coins.
The fed buys coins at face value from the mint.
A dollar of change in your pocket is a dollar of value out of the banksters' pockets.
Stop playing in their shell game that allows them to play in the amusement parks from hell and shop in the human grocery stores.
Death to Discord!
Long live Hive Messenger!
Billy Jack, the movie.
The Trial of Billy Jack.
Billy Jack goes to Washington.
