나이테 <시즌3 정치학> (46) 20180315 토마스 페인(1737~1809) [사람의 올바룸들](1791) 제 2부 3장

3. 정부통치의 늙은 체계들SYSTEMS(체제regime)와 새로운 체게들에 관해   


248  Government, on the old system, is an 장악assumption of 권력power(세력), for the 출세영달aggrandisement(확장expansion) of itself; on the new, a 위임delegation of power for the common 혜택benefit(이익gain) of society.   

249 Though it might be proved that the system of government now called the New, is the most ancient in principle of all that have existed, being 근본기초되어founded(근거하기) on the 기원된original(근원적인by the roots), 내재적인inherent(생득적innate) Rights of Man: yet, as 폭군정부tyranny(폭정) and the 칼sword(무력) have 붕떠있었다suspended(저지당했다) the exercise of those rights for many centuries past, it serves better the purpose of distinction to call it the new, than to claim the right of calling it the old.    

249 The first general 구별distinction between those two systems, is, that the one now called the old is hereditary, either in whole or in part; and the new is 전반적으로entirely(완전히completely) representative.   

250 All hereditary government is in its 본성nature(본질essence) 폭군정부tyranny(전제, 전횡desposit).   

253 As to Mr. Burke, he is a stickler for monarchy.  

254 The representative system takes society and civilisation for its 바탕basis(기반); 본성nature(자연), reason, and experience, for its 안내guide(지침instruction).   

255 As this is in the 질서명령order(질서) of 본성nature(자연), the order of government must necessarily follow it, or government will, as we see it does, 퇴화한다degenerate(돼버린다, 퇴행regression, 격하degrade) into ignorance.   

257 Mr. Burke is so little 숙지하는acquainted(아는know) with 컨스티튜트하는constituent(구성) principles of government, that he 공통근본기초삼고confounds(혼동하고confuse) democracy and representation together   

258 Simple democracy was no other than the common hall of the ancients. It signifies the form, as well as the public principle of the government. As those democracies increased in population, and the territory extended, the simple democratical form became 버거운unwieldy(불편한inconvenient) and 비실천적인impracticable(실용성이 떨어지는).   

258~259 The only forms of government are the democratical, the aristocratical, the monarchical, and what is now called the representative. What is called a republic is not any 개별적인particular(특수한) form of government. It is 전일적으로wholly(오로지only) 특징적인characteristical(나타내는) of the 목표purport, 물질matter(사항item) or 대상object for which government ought to be 제도화돼야instituted(구성돼야), and on which it is to be employed, Res-Publica, the public 사무들affairs(사업business), or the public 선good(재화goods); or, literally translated, the public 거시기thing(것). It is a word of a good original, referring to what ought to be the character and business of government; and in this sense it is 본성적으로naturally(당연히of course) opposed to the word monarchy, which has a 야비한base(비열한mean) 기원적인original(근본적) 뜻signification(의미meaning). It means arbitrary power in an individual person; in the exercise of which, himself, and not the 공적-거시기res-publica(공적 사항), is the 대상object(목적end).    

259  the government of America, which is 전일적으로wholly(완전히completely) on the system of representation, is the only 실재현실의real(참된true) Republic, in character and in 실천practice(실제), that now 실존하는exists(현존하는).   

260 the question naturally presents itself, What is the best form of government for conducting the Res-Publica, or the Public Business of a nation, after it becomes too extensive and populous for the simple democratical form?   

261 therefore the 군주정부적 형태monarchical form(군주국) is as much limited, in useful practice, from the 불가-권능incompetency(빈곤poverty) of knowledge, as was the 민주정부적 형태democratical form(민주국), from the multiplicity of population...  It is incapable of 범위확대extension(확장expansion), not from its principle, but from the inconvenience of its form.   

261  the representative system naturally presents itself; remedying at once the defects of the simple democracy as to form, and the 불가-용량incapacity(불가-권능함incompetency) with respect to knowledge. Simple democracy was society governing itself without the aid of secondary means. By ingrafting representation upon democracy, we arrive at a system of government capable of embracing and 연방화하는confederating(연합하는united, 연립coalition, 연맹federation, 동맹alliance, 통일union, 배합combination, 결합conjugation, 융합fusion, 혼합mixture) all the various interests and every extent of territory and population; and that also with 잇점advantages(장점, 강점strength) as much superior to hereditary government, as the 글자들의 공화국republic of letters(문인공화국) is to hereditary literature. It is on this system that the American government is founded. It is representation ingrafted upon democracy. It has fixed the form by a scale parallel in all cases to the extent of the principle. What Athens was in miniature America will be in magnitude. The one was the wonder of the ancient world; the other is becoming the admiration of the present... Athens, by representation, would have outrivalled her own democracy.   

265  Nature is 질서명령있게orderly(질서정연하게) in all her 작업들works(일); but this is a 양식mode of government that 반대-행동하는counteracts(거역하는objection) 본성nature(자연)... On the contrary, the representative system is always parallel with the order and 불가-변경의immutable(불변의) laws of nature, and meets the reason of man in every part.   

267 In the representative system, the 추론이성reason(이유) for everything must 공적으로 나타나야publicly appear(공개되어야).   

268 The government of a free country, 알맞게properly(정확하게exactly) 발언하자면speaking(말하자면saying), is not in the 인격들persons(사람man), but in the laws. The 실현enacting(제정하는, 입법하는legislate) of those requires no great expense   


● [사람의 올바룸들] 제 2부, 2장부터 3장까지, 페인은 <늙은 정부통치와 새로운 정부통치>를 대조시킵니다. 2 장에서 전근대적인 늙은 정부통치의 기원을 페인은 <강도떼, 강도질, 무법자들의 강도짓>에 두었는데, 여기 3 장안에서 페인은 군주정부를 까면서, 다른 한편 <단순한 민주정부 vs 대의제 민주정부>의 차이를 분명하게 밝혀줍니다. 

내가 페인의 대의제 개념설계를 미처 몰라서, [사람의 올바룸들 제 1부, 15장] 안에서, 따라서, “내가 보기에, 페인은 공화국이란 낱말 대신에, 피플스 또는 시빌스 데모크라시 곧 인민/시민 민주주의라고 했어야 할 듯 합니다. 왜 페인이 이런 낱말을 채택하지 않았는지는 모르겠습니다”라고 했습니다. 

그런데, 이제 [2부 3장]에 오니, 페인이 고대 그리스 아테네의 민주정부의 한계와 약점을 잘 알고 있었으며, 그러한 공통압박들constraints을 극복한 새로운 민주정부의 형태를 대의제에 의해서 설계했구나 하는 점을 알게 됩니다. 물론 이러한 대의제 개념설계의 원천은 로크의 [2번째 통치론]입니다. 

고대 그리스 아테네의 민주정부를 직접민주주의라고 한다면, 이제 미국의 민주정부는 대의제 민주주의가 됩니다. 이러한 대의제 민주정부를 페인은 공화국이라고 불렀다는 점을 알게되었습니다. (물론 여전히 공화국은 혼합된 정부통치라는 점은 의문이 남습니다만) 

또한 아주 특징적인 것은, 마치 18세기 정치이론가들이 툭하면 “하나님”을 호출했듯이, 이제 페인은 툭하면 “본성”을 호출합니다. “본성적으로, 본성 안에서, 본성 상에서, 본성이”라는 글귀는 <군주정부가 얼마나 인간본성을 위반하며, 반대로 대의제 민주정부 곧 공화국이야말로 인간본성에 얼마나 알맞은가>를 주장할 때마다 등장합니다. 

한마디로, 인간본성자연의 질서명령에 알맞은 것이 대의제 민주정부 공화국이며, 미국이며, 반대-행동하고, 위반하는 것이 군주정부라는 것이지요. 

다시한번, 근대 서양의 진보적 개인주의적이고 자유주의적인 정치이론들의 두가지 전제근거이자 근본기초가 되는 이념idea들로써, “하나님”과 “본성” 낱말의 위력might을 새삼스럽게 느끼게 됩니다. “하나님”과 “본성”이란 이념들에 대한 부정하기 힘든, 불가침의, 빼앗을섮는, 불가-변경의 위력은 물론 천년 넘게 다져오고, 연구되어지고, 합의되어져온 기나긴 전통의 위력 덕분입니다.  

그리고 이러한 위력있는 지성사적 전통을 발명하고 개발한이들이 물론 아우구스티누스, 아퀴나스, 수아레즈같은 그리스도교 스콜라 신학자들입니다.

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