them the bruises on her body. She was then briefly taken into foster care, before being moved into a children’s home until she was 16 years old. Jane was then moved into a semi-independent living facility for vulnerable young people. After a few months, a female peer at the accommodation invited Jane to what she described as a “party.” This peer was coercive and intimidating, and Jane did not feel able to refuse. She was taken to a block of flats in Hounslow, and expected to be met with a group of people her own age. Instead, the flat was occupied by six or seven Somali men. Jane was taken into the bathroom by the girl who had brought her there and instructed to shave. She was told that she was being sold to the men for sex. Jane did not want to participate, but complied out of fear. She was then sexually abused by one of the men, and made to sleep in a small child’s bed afterwards. The following morning, the girl who took Jane to the flat was paid by the men. This occurred repeatedly over a period of months, sometimes with multiple other girls present. Jane was told that she needed to gain weight to be more desirable to the men. In response, Jane began purging, which developed into a severe eating disorder. Jane was blackmailed with the threat of prison by the peer if she disclosed her exploitation to anyone. Violence and intimidation became commonplace at the semi-independent living facility. On one occasion, a young woman returned to the accommodation intoxicated and distressed, saying that she had been abducted and sexually assaulted. The staff – who were aware that sexual exploitation was taking place on the site, but chose to do nothing about it – responded by accusing her of making it up. Eventually, Jane disclosed her own sexual exploitation to accommodation staff, including the trafficking and exchange of money. She was told that what was happening did not constitute trafficking as she was over the age of 16. The police were not contacted and no action was taken. Jane was blackmailed by staff with the threat of being blamed for the exploitation of her and others if she took her complaints any further. 64
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Jane’s eating disorder intensified, and she began self-harming again. She was sectioned under the Mental Health Act and admitted to a psychiatric hospital. While hospitalised, she disclosed the exploitation again. Police interviews took place, but – due to her being heavily medicated – Jane was treated as an unreliable witness and no further action was taken. She also disclosed in writing what was happening to her. It was removed from her most recent social care file, but the original clearly states she wrote a letter to them a year before she was hospitalised and her police interview matched the letter. The letter was not acted on by the authorities. As a result of her abuse and eating disorder, Jane has developed endometriosis, which has resulted in the loss of half her uterus. Jane has since learned that her records at the semi-independent living facility have been lost or destroyed despite statutory retention requirements. Even into adulthood, Jane has not received any closure and attempts to get justice have been met with delays, obstruction, and retraumatisation. Jane states that she believes that children remain at risk due to the culture of silence that persists across institutions that should be caring for them. 65
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‘ Leanne ’ ‘Leanne’ describes a childhood marked by extreme instability, domestic violence, fear, and early trauma. From a young age she was exposed to abuse within her family, including sexual abuse by her uncle, which severely damaged her ability to trust adults or disclose harm. Frequent moves, school disruption, ADHD, bullying, and exclusions compounded her vulnerability. By the age of 14, Leanne was drawn into peer groups linked to significantly older men. These men were adult males, primarily of Kurdish, Iraqi, and other Muslim backgrounds, and they operated in groups. Grooming was systematic: alcohol, drugs, accommodation, and emotional manipulation were used to entrap her. She was taken to various houses in Sheffield (notably Pitsmoor) and other cities, where multiple girls were trafficked and sexually exploited.She was raped repeatedly, drugged, and on at least one occasion held captive and beaten for several days. She witnessed stabbings, shootings, and machete attacks, handled firearms as a child, and was forced into environments of extreme violence. At 15, Leanne became pregnant by an adult Iraqi man. She miscarried, and later discovered that records had been falsified to suggest she was 16, thereby minimising the seriousness of the offence. Despite repeated missing episodes, police intelligence, and sexual exploitation strategy meetings, safeguarding failed. The council housing department refused to assist her due to her age. Child protection plans were implemented but did not remove her from danger. Social services and police were aware she was associating with older Kurdish men and at high risk of sexual exploitation, yet intervention was weak and inconsistent. No perpetrator was prosecuted for her rape. She eventually escaped exploitation only after becoming a mother at 17 and moving away from the grooming network. As an adult, Leanne lives with chronic physical and psychological harm, including trauma-related fibromyalgia. She has never received justice. She gave her evidence to ensure that what happened is finally acknowledged and not repeated. 67
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‘ Lill y’ ‘Lilly’ was raised in a large, loving working family in the 1970s. Her family’s life was permanently destabilised when the council forced them out of their cottage to build flats. They were evicted from their home and moved into two council houses. This was the first time anyone in the family had lived on a council estate. After moving onto the council estate, trouble began immediately. One older boy attempted to take Lilly’s hand from her mother when she was five years old. Her mother reported it to the police, but it was treated as a joke. Years later, the same person went on to rape a three-year-old. This perpetrator and his brother then began targeting the family. They harassed Lilly’s mother and beat her father badly. This created an atmosphere of constant fear and chaos. The police frequently attended the family home, turning over belongings and breaking possessions while investigating false accusations. Over time, Lilly and her siblings were taken into care. Siblings who returned home disclosed severe abuse in children’s homes, including rape, violence, humiliation, and intimidation. Lilly herself was groomed and repeatedly abducted and raped by a man from the age of six. He threatened to harm her sisters if she spoke. Lilly’s sister was sexually abused by her own social worker at age twelve. This was actively covered up by management, who pretended he was in a relationship with another social worker to deflect suspicion. He gained legal guardianship of Lilly’s sister and eventually married her. He was paid by the local authority, and her sister never completed her education. Lilly witnessed children being selected by staff and handed over to foreign taxi drivers over many years. In the children’s home, Lilly was violently assaulted and sexually abused by staff. Management figures dismissed or covered up the abuse. She also suffered numerous violent injuries from staff. The most serious was a head injury that resulted in lasting neurological damage. Later in adulthood, she was diagnosed with a brain aneurysm. After returning to school with serious injuries, Lilly was 68
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sent back home to her parents. At age fourteen, upon returning to the estate, she was gang-raped by older men and boys. She did not report it to the police. As an adult, Lilly learned that police and council records of her abuse had been hidden for decades. Operation Marmion briefly acknowledged her account before being shut down at a senior level. She was told the perpetrators were out of jurisdiction, dead, or untraceable. No one was held accountable. 69
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‘ Grace ’ ‘Grace’ was raised without a father and with a mother who met her basic physical needs but was emotionally cold, neither nurturing nor affectionate. She believes this early life experience contributed to a lack of emotional security and increased vulnerability later in life. At four years old, she was sexually abused by a babysitter. She has no memory of the abuse and states that it does not directly trouble her emotionally. Grace’s mother prevented contact with her estranged father without giving any reason, causing Grace to rebel against her. By secondary school age, her behaviour had deteriorated significantly. She began getting into cars with adult men who offered her cannabis, music, food and lifts. She states that the majority of the men who groomed her were Pakistani, although some white men acted as intermediaries and assisted in the grooming of girls. She was raped on multiple occasions by adult men, often while intoxicated. Because she had been drinking, she believed she was responsible for the abuse. At fifteen, she believed she was in a relationship with an adult man, a situation that lasted around five years. During that time she experienced domestic violence, rape, and coercive control. She reported the perpetrators to the police, wishing only to prevent other children from experiencing abuse. However, the police arrested and interviewed some of the men about Grace without consulting her in advance or assessing the potential impact on her. She felt pushed into prosecution without adequate preparation or support. She found the process abrupt and poorly explained. As a consequence of the police’s handling of the case, she experienced flashbacks, panic attacks, and a relapse into substance misuse. Another partner was a paedophile involved in grooming gangs who sexually abused her children and others. He stalked, harassed and threatened the family, and manipulated police investigations for years. Police repeatedly failed to seize devices, link cases, act on stalking logs, or protect her and her children. Non-molestation orders and bail conditions were breached without consequence. The cumulative impact includes severe mental illness, 71
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displacement, loss of employment, and ongoing fear. 72
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Victoria Victoria gave evidence as the mother of a vulnerable teenager who started at a local college in 2022. In 2023, her daughter abruptly converted to Islam. Victoria discovered Muslim clothing, a Quran, and a prayer mat hidden under her bed. Her daughter began quoting the Quran and praying five times a day. This sudden change coincided with a secret relationship with an Algerian Muslim student who held strong Islamic beliefs. She became disrespectful to her family and started speaking negatively about Britain. Victoria says her daughter changed completely. The boyfriend exerted coercive control: he held her daughter’s banking details via Face ID, controlled her social media, isolated her from her family, and imposed strict Islamic practices. Concerned by this, Victoria contacted the police and reported the controlling behaviour and sudden conversion. The police said they would refer her daughter to social services, as she was still a child. When social services visited, they learned her daughter was being made to take contraception. They also discussed the nature of her new Islamic beliefs. The social worker said she would refer her to Women’s Aid for support with the coercive and controlling relationship. Victoria asked the social worker to look into the partner’s background, but the college did not respond to the social worker’s inquiries. Victoria then contacted the college’s safeguarding lead herself. The lead agreed it sounded like exploitation and referred the case to Prevent – the British government’s counter-terrorism programme designed to safeguard vulnerable people from radicalisation and terrorism. Her daughter’s diet changed dramatically: she stopped eating bacon and ate far less than before. She spent a lot of time in and out of hospital but never explained why to her mother. Her mental health also deteriorated severely. After meeting the man, she repeatedly attempted suicide by cutting and made desperate calls saying she would kill herself. During one emergency hospital stay, police removed her daughter from Victoria, threatened Victoria with arrest, and transported the girl to the address of her abuser’s brother – despite Victoria’s explicit warnings about the danger. 74
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There, her daughter was subjected to mental and physical abuse, including strangulation, death threats, rape, and financial exploitation. Money was funnelled through the abuser’s brother’s bank account. The man and his family racially abused her, calling her a “white slag,” and pressured her to drop all complaints and marry him. Prevent’s involvement was catastrophically delayed. The college’s safeguarding lead initially told Victoria that referrals had been made and accepted, but later evidence showed they were sent late, incorrectly, or not at all. Arrests were delayed for months, and rape allegations were eventually dropped due to lack of evidence after only limited phone checks. Victoria concluded that systemic failure and institutional reluctance to address Islamist-related safeguarding had placed her daughter in grave danger. 75
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‘ Eleanor ’ ‘Eleanor’ was born into a financially comfortable family, but despite this she had a childhood marked by instability, emotional neglect, and a lack of adult protection. Her parents separated, and after moving away with her mother and two sisters, she lived in poorer conditions and saw much less of her father. Without her extended family around her and with a mother who was emotionally distant, she was left to grow up largely on her own. Her desire for adult attention resulted in poor behaviour at school. She was expelled in Year seven and placed in a pupil referral unit, which she was eventually excluded from as well. She attributes her disruptive behaviour to a lack of desire and emotional capacity to engage with her education, as well as the lack of structure in her life. She was preoccupied with seeking attention, validation, and care. By the age of 13 she began to be groomed by older men whom she encountered locally, usually in the town centre. Some were older white men, but there were also Muslim men connected to a newly opened restaurant in the area. As the grooming continued, Eleanor’s behaviour deteriorated significantly. She had frequent encounters with the police and was arrested often. During this time, older men gave her drugs and kept her in various houses. She believed these men were looking after her and offering her the care she craved. Whilst this was ongoing, her mother was unaware of her location but did not report her missing. No authority intervened regarding why she was often missing, arrested, and spending significant amounts of time with adult men. When she was fourteen, she returned home one day after being away and no one answered the door. Eleanor climbed onto the roof of the house and managed to get inside. She discovered the house was completely empty. Her mother had thrown everything away – including childhood photographs and personal items – and had left without telling her. She went to social services of her own volition and was instructed to go to her father. She was expected to travel to him on the train alone. 77
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She had no meaningful relationship with her father and only spoke to him occasionally. When Eleanor arrived, he made it clear that his new partner was his priority and that she and her sisters came second. His partner tried to get her onto a more stable path and back into education, but due to her previous exclusions, schools repeatedly refused her. In an ‘ethnic minority’ majority area, she was explicitly told by one school that she could not be admitted because she was an English girl and would be the only one. She was placed in a Pupil Referral Unit, but the behaviour of other students there did little to give her the sense of safety, structure, and aspiration she needed. She therefore ran away often. Frequent running away resulted in repeated arrests, and eventually social services decided she could be contained in a family setting and took her into care. While in care, she became more visible and accessible to men who were already looking for vulnerable girls, and she was once again groomed. On one occasion, some adult men approached her and offered her alcohol and a lift. She drank a small amount and quickly became unwell and lost consciousness. When she awoke, she was aware she was inside a house that appeared to be decorated for an Asian wedding, but she lost consciousness again. When she finally awoke properly, she found herself abandoned by the side of the road, unclothed, injured, and disoriented. She managed to make it back to her children’s home. However, she was not asked what had happened, taken to hospital, or had any record made of the incident in her case files. Following this incident, Eleanor went missing far more frequently. She would sleep rough in doorways, abandoned buildings, and taxis. No one at the care home asked her any questions about why this was happening. She was transferred to a different children’s home where men regularly collected girls from outside the home and sometimes came inside the building itself. The staff allowed this to happen. The men offered food, alcohol, places to stay, and a sense of belonging, but in reality they were there to sexually exploit children. Eleanor became involved with an older man whom she believed was her boyfriend. He was involved in the drug trade. She was taken to Jersey and kept 78
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in a hotel for several days. She was not allowed to leave freely. Upon returning to the care home, no one questioned where she had been. She continued to be arrested for low-level offences, particularly shoplifting. She was eventually placed in a young offenders’ institution. On one occasion she was punched while being arrested, and this experience – among others – destroyed any trust she had in the police. From this point onwards, she saw the police as just another threat. When she was 17, Eleanor was present at a stabbing incident involving men connected to the grooming network that had been abusing her. She was not involved in the violence but gave the victim first aid and called emergency services. She was arrested at the scene and charged under the doctrine of joint enterprise with conspiracy to commit grievous bodily harm with intent. The case did not come to trial until two years later, when Eleanor was an adult, and so she was tried as an adult. She was sentenced to two years in prison. She believes she was criminalised for circumstances that arose directly from exploitation, neglect, and systemic failure, rather than being protected from them. Following her conviction, Eleanor converted to Islam. She did not do so for theological reasons but practical ones, as a method of survival. In many environments she had experienced, Muslim girls were afforded some degree of protection relative to non-Muslims. She felt that conversion was a way to reduce risk and make herself less vulnerable. Before serving her sentence she became pregnant by an older man and entered into an Islamic marriage with him, believing it might provide stability and protection. She was imprisoned with her young baby, an experience she found deeply distressing. Following her release, she was subjected to domestic abuse and coercive control. This abuse was not always physical. It involved isolation, monitoring, restrictions on her behaviour, and the constant erosion of her sense of self. She was controlled through fear, guilt, and religious obligation. She was not allowed 79
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independence or employment, and others were told she was mentally unwell. This further isolated her. She met and remarried another man who took her to Saudi Arabia. She was entirely dependent on her husband for everything and was not allowed to leave the house without him. She felt isolated and powerless. This experience made her realise she needed to leave Islam, but she knew that apostasy carried very serious consequences and so kept it to herself. However, she was eventually able to escape Saudi Arabia and return to the United Kingdom with her children. Back in Britain with no home, work, or money, she was raped by another man, became pregnant again, and felt forced into another marriage. Her abuse continued. She eventually escaped the situation after studying in secret and building up her sense of identity and confidence enough to make a new life for herself. Eleanor believes much of the harm she experienced could have been avoided had institutions adequately protected her. Children’s services did not safeguard her. The education system excluded her. The police criminalised her. 80
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Rachel Rachel is the mother of a daughter who died aged twelve after taking an overdose. Her daughter was a joyful, creative, academically engaged child from a stable and loving home. She was, however, autistic, which made her more vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. Following the lockdown response to COVID-19, her behaviour changed dramatically and she became withdrawn, depressed, and began self-harming. Rachel’s daughter disclosed that she had been orally raped by a White British boy from her school. The disclosure devastated her and her family. When police eventually attended the family home, she was told it would be “her word against his,” that the process would take years, and that it involved extensive paperwork. This interaction caused her to shut down and withdraw her complaint. The police investigation went no further. Despite assurances to the contrary, the alleged perpetrator remained in school and safeguarding was ineffective. She was subjected to relentless bullying, including physical assaults by girls linked to the perpetrator, which were filmed and shared online. Police took weeks to respond and failed to act on video evidence or threats. Rachel’s daughter was abused and threatened on Snapchat and other platforms daily. The intimidation escalated when the perpetrator’s adult brother attended the family home and attempted to force entry. Police advised only that the family should consider moving house. Rachel’s son was assaulted at school. On the night of her death, Rachel’s daughter took an overdose of colchicine, stating she just wanted everything to stop. She suffered multiple organ failure and died days later. Even after her death the abuse continued. Rachel believes that her daughter was failed by the police, her school, and the Crown Prosecution Service. She states that she was effectively murdered by institutional failure. 82
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Jen Jen’s childhood was characterised by emotional neglect and a lack of safety. Her emotional needs were not recognised or prioritised by the adults in her life, particularly her parents, who were absent much of the time. Within the wider family context boundaries were blurred and inappropriate dynamics were normalised – for example, family members introduced her to drugs and alcohol around the age of 13. Throughout secondary school, Jen was bullied, but staff did little to help despite her obvious distress. On the contrary, they contributed to her victimisation. Much of the bullying stemmed from an incident in her first year in which a teacher refused to allow Jen to use the toilet, resulting in Jen wetting herself and being made to stay in the soiled clothes for the rest of the day. The teacher faced no repercussions. Jen began self-harming and running away from home, and the only adult she felt she could confide in committed suicide around this time. Into adolescence, Jen had no stable sense of self-worth and no adults who consistently protected or advocated for her. Her self-harm worsened and she experienced suicidal thoughts, yet safeguarding responses remained absent. Jen began to believe that she was “not worth protecting,” and as a result became increasingly vulnerable to exploitation. At 13, adult men began contacting her online, giving her a sense of validation and belonging. Sexual conversations were common, including one man encouraging Jen to insert a knife into her vagina. At 15, offline grooming began with a group of White British men who presented themselves as sympathetic friends to the vulnerable Jen. Though she was not raped by these men, one told her that “touching was okay, but we can’t have intercourse until you are 16 because of the law.” At the age of 17, Jen was introduced to a gang of Iraqi Kurdish Muslim men by a friend who she now believes was, herself, groomed. The gang members – all of whom were illegal migrants – trafficked Jen to numerous towns and cities across the Midlands where she was raped by multiple men at what were described as “parties.” On one occasion, she was anally raped in a park by one of the gang members. She was taken on drug runs and witnessed the slaughtering of a lamb 83
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in the bathroom of a house. She describes “a closed and intimidating social world governed by fear, loyalty, and silence,” in which racially supremacist attitudes were openly and regularly expressed. White British people were described as “white trash,” and white girls as “English pig‑dogs.” Perpetrators insisted that children “choose” exploitation, and Britain and its institutions were described as “soft” and “easy” to exploit. They boasted of receiving “free money” from the British state, and on multiple occasions Jen was forced to fill in asylum benefit applications on their behalf. Jen witnessed intimidation, violence, trafficking, asylum fraud, sexual exploitation – including the drugging and raping of children as young as 13 – and the aftermath of a gang-related murder while involved with the group, and was thus afraid to defy or disclose against its members. The gang became increasingly controlling and abusive, isolating Jen from her friends and family. Her movements, communications, and decisions were closely monitored and restricted, and any attempt to assert independence was met with threats. She suffered emotional, psychological, and sexual abuse, and at 18 became pregnant as a result of rape. Jen was repeatedly told she was inferior and unclean as a non‑Muslim. Religious coercion escalated into forced conversion to Islam, partly due to her pregnancy. She was taken to a “dark,” “dingy” flat that had been converted into a mosque and married by an imam in an Islamic ceremony without giving consent. The marriage was used as a mechanism to legitimise control over her, and restrictions on her behaviour increased. During pregnancy the threats intensified. Jen was told she had no right to leave or make decisions about her child because to do so would be anti-Islamic. Her behaviour was tightly controlled, including an instruction not to eat pork as the father believed “it would make the baby gay.” She was told that disclosure to the authorities would result in shame and punishment. Nevertheless, she attempted to report her situation to the police, but no action 84
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was taken. The ideological and religious dimensions of her trafficking and abuse were minimised and her disclosures were reframed as relationship issues or cultural matters before being dismissed as exaggerated and unreliable. After the birth of her daughter, Jen’s access to her child was restricted and used as a means of leverage. The father – an Iraqi illegal migrant – repeatedly took their daughter to Iraq, despite having claimed asylum in Britain on the basis that he could not safely remain there. While there, she was exposed to firearms including AK-47s. When her daughter was 3 years old, Jen contacted the police after the father threatened to take their daughter to Iraq and never bring her back. The police responded that it was a “civil matter” and did not intervene. Jen has not spent a single one of her daughter’s birthdays with her since she was nine years old and has had minimal contact with her for several years. Her father continues to take her to Iraq regularly. Jen now lives with complex PTSD, anxiety, depression, dissociation, periods of agoraphobia, and persistent fear and distress in relation to her daughter’s safety and autonomy. These difficulties significantly impair her ability to function day to day. She gives evidence so that religiously-motivated coercive abuse is properly recognised and confronted, even when doing so is politically, culturally, or socially controversial. 85
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‘ Kate ’ ‘Kate’ grew up in a deeply dysfunctional and unsafe household where violence, sexual abuse, and neglect were commonplace. Social services had been involved with the family since before Kate was born, primarily due to the neglect of her siblings by her parents and the behaviour of her older half-brother, who was physically violent. He, along with Kate’s father, sexually abused Kate from a young age – something that was not identified by social services for several years. When she was around the age of five, Kate and her two brothers were removed from the care of their biological parents and placed in a foster home. It was determined that they could not return to their parents’ custody, and they were adopted by a couple from a town around 50 miles away. Kate and her brothers settled well into their new home and family environment, and for the next seven years, Kate’s life was happy and stable, with her adoptive parents providing the love and support that her biological parents had failed to give. Kate’s adoptive parents were committed Christians and the family attended the local church every Sunday. Much of Kate’s social life outside of school revolved around church activities, including youth groups and spending time with other families within the church community. At school, she performed exceptionally well, and was identified as “gifted and talented” across a range of subjects. She rarely got into trouble and, despite suffering from low self-esteem, was well-regarded by teachers and peers alike. Kate maintained a limited circle of friends, and directed most of her energies into her studies, which provided her with a sense of achievement, structure, and self-worth. Kate was highly ambitious and optimistic about the future. She held herself to very high standards, and aspired to attend university, complete a PhD, and pursue a career in archaeology or paramedicine. She was also driven by a strong sense of family, and looked forward to getting married and having children of her own. Around the age of twelve, Kate began to receive sex education at school. She found these lessons upsetting as, up to this point, her understanding of what had 87
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happened to her during her early childhood was very limited. Social services had failed to identify the abuse at the time, and so it had never been acknowledged, discussed, or explained to her. She entered adolescence confused about what had happened to her and without a clear understanding of healthy boundaries and inappropriate behaviour. She lacked the confidence to confide in an adult, and this left her vulnerable. Kate came to realise that the abuse she had suffered at the hands of her biological father and half-brother was not normal or legal. She began to experience a growing sense of shame, fear, and self-blame, and felt a deep uncertainty about her identity, body, and relationships with others. She soon began to experience suicidal thoughts. Still just twelve years old, Kate decided to take her own life. One Saturday night, after her family had gone to sleep, she left her home in the early hours and walked to a secluded location where she intended to commit suicide, hoping she would not be found. She paused beneath a tree to shelter from the rain, and after a while she heard a group of men approaching. By their tone Kate suspected that they were drunk, and when they saw her they began jeering. They called her a “no-homer” and suggested that she could “stay warm on their dicks.” Kate, terrified and regretful, waited for the men to pass before attempting to return home – but as she was walking, she was grabbed from behind by one of the men. Kate was overpowered by the three men, forced to the ground, her arms and legs were pinned, and the men took turns to orally and vaginally rape her. When it ended, the men hit her repeatedly and threatened to find her, kill her and harm her loved ones if she ever told anyone what had happened. So violent was the assault, Kate’s clothes were left bloodstained. Traumatised, she walked across the town to her family’s church, knowing that her parents would be there in a few hours. She sat on the porch and cried for several hours before deciding to return home. While she was walking, both a van and a taxi driver stopped to ask if she was okay given her disheveled appearance and visible distress. She replied that she was. When she arrived home, she hid 88
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her bloodstained clothes and went to sleep. Kate did not disclose the assault to anyone and her mental and physical health rapidly deteriorated. She began self-harming and her suicidal thoughts intensified. She attempted to take her own life on multiple occasions over the following months and was admitted to hospital many times as a result. She started getting bullied at school. Concern for her welfare escalated, but Kate resisted every attempt by her parents and teachers to intervene. She was assigned a Child and Adolescent Mental Health Services (CAMHS) practitioner by the local authority with whom she started regular counselling sessions, but Kate did not find this either effective or helpful and she continued to keep the assault hidden. The professionals concluded that her deteriorating health was linked to her early-life trauma. Later that year, Kate received a message on social media from one of the abusers. To this day, Kate does not know how they found her. The message was a video of the assault, and they threatened to share it with Kate’s friends and family if she did not comply with their demands. Kate feared that if they did so the bullying would worsen and she would get into trouble. Once again, she did not disclose the incident to anyone, and – believing she could resolve the blackmail – she went to meet them. She was instructed to come to a house in the local town centre. She was taken inside, and all three abusers were present. They proceeded to rape her again, this time making clear that she was being filmed. Following this, they told Kate that she now “worked” for them and was expected to do what she was told, for otherwise the footage would be leaked. She was given a phone and told always to remain contactable. In the period that followed, Kate was required to meet the two chief abusers frequently. They introduced her to other men in their network and she was repeatedly subjected by them as well to sexual abuse. Kate was also forced to participate in webcam abuse sessions, which generated revenue for the abusers. If the livestream did not generate what they considered to be a satisfactory amount of money, Kate was punished. The constant shifting of expectations was 89
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used as a method of control. Kate gradually became more open with her counsellors. Though she still did not disclose the full extent of what was happening to her, she began to refer to the initial assault as “the event,” and they soon worked out that she had been raped – though they did not suspect ongoing abuse. They shared their concerns with Kate’s parents and, almost a year after the initial assault, Kate’s mother confronted her about the suspicions that she, Kate’s father, and the social services professionals had formed. Kate confirmed to her mother that she had been raped. Soon after the disclosure, Kate was taken to a Sexual Assault and Rape Centre (SARC) for further counselling. The SARC therapists encouraged Kate to report the initial assault to the police. Kate hoped that doing so would lead to an intervention that would stop the ongoing abuse, but was too frightened to name the perpetrators, fearing reprisals from the gang. Nevertheless, she reported the assault to the police, providing them with as much information as possible, and was brought in for questioning with her mother. At the police station, Kate was taken into the interview room. Before the interview began, and without Kate’s mother present, Kate was told that this was her “last chance” to say that her report was untrue. She was warned that if any part of her account could not be supported by evidence, she could and would be arrested. For an extended period of time, both officers repeatedly told her how much trouble she would be in if any detail of her statement was disproved, and that she could withdraw the allegation before the interview started with no further consequences. They also suggested that her parents would be relieved if she said the incident had not happened. Still just twelve years old and already deeply traumatised, Kate became overwhelmed by the pressure she felt the officers were placing on her, and said what she believed they wanted her to say: that the rape had not taken place. This interaction occurred before the recording began and, as a result, the formal interview did not reflect the coercion that took place. Kate felt unable to disclose anything further, including the abuse that was ongoing at the time, 90
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because she felt she was not being believed or taken seriously. The police report recorded the incident as a withdrawal of the complaint. Following this experience, Kate again attempted to take her own life. Shortly afterwards, Kate’s mother found content in Kate’s diary describing the rape. She encouraged Kate to speak to the police again, but Kate explained that the police had previously pressured her to withdraw her complaint. Nevertheless, Kate returned to the police station and, this time, completed the interview. Some weeks later, Kate’s parents discovered sexually explicit messages in her phone between Kate and several adult men, including sexual photographs. These were reported to the police, but it was concluded that Kate was engaging with these men consensually, despite being just 13 years old. Kate, still afraid of retribution from the gang, denied all knowledge of these exchanges, and was not questioned further. Over the course of the following year, Kate went missing on numerous occasions, including during school hours and late at night. She alleges that no record was made of her absence. The gang was blackmailing her into doing what they called “jobs” – sexual abuse by gang members and their associates, for which the gang received payment. These included webcamming, gang rapes, “parties,” “cop nights,” and “red rooms.” Kate was raped multiple times a week, sometimes 2 to 4 times a day. During this time, Kate encountered another girl whom the gang was exploiting. Kate – then 14 – suspected that the girl was younger than her. On the night that they met, Kate had been instructed to meet two of the gang members in a secluded location late at night. When Kate arrived, they were holding the girl “tightly” around the neck. One of the gang members told Kate that the girl was being “broken in” that night, and that the men she would be “servicing” were particularly “brutal.” Kate attempted to intervene, telling the gang members that she would take on the “jobs” instead. In response, the gang members beat and raped her. Kate went on to “work” with this girl on numerous occasions, and they became very close. 91
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Throughout the first half of the next year, the exploitation intensified, and Kate made another attempt to take her own life. Shortly afterwards, she entered into a relationship with a relative of one of the gang members, leading to a temporary pause in the abuse. The relationship lasted for almost a year, but when it came to an end, the exploitation resumed almost immediately. Later that year, Kate – then 16 – experienced the most significant missing episode to date. During this incident, the gang trafficked Kate to a town far from her home where she was restrained and raped repeatedly on a canal boat – including, she alleges, by a police officer. At one point, Kate tried to escape, but was caught, and the gang beat her and cut off much of her hair as punishment. Kate attempted to escape a second time and was successful. She reached a nearby house and knocked for help. The woman who lived there took Kate in and gave her clothes, as Kate’s own clothes had been badly damaged by the abusers and she was partially naked. The woman called the police, who attended the property. The woman attempted to remove the rope that remained around Kate’s wrists, but was instructed by the police to leave them in place as they were considered evidence. Kate was hesitant to speak to the police given both the recent alleged abuse by a serving officer and the wider context of threats, coercive control, and physical and sexual violence that she had been experiencing. Nevertheless, she disclosed what had happened on the canal boat – but not the historic exploitation, fearing reprisals – to the police. She also did not report that she had been raped by a police officer. The investigation did not progress and the police accused Kate of lying about the exploitation. This represented a turning point in Kate’s dealings with the police, as she thereafter felt that she could not turn to them for help, fearing she would not be believed. Kate was placed on a Child Protection Plan by the local authority. She shared a diary with one of the social workers containing details about the sexual abuse 92
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she had been suffering, though once again she was not believed. During this period, Kate was diagnosed with dissociative identity disorder. Soon after, Kate alleges that she was raped in a hotel by a man she believed to be a doctor. The police were called to the hotel as the staff were concerned that she was a prostitute. When the police arrived, she was found alone and naked in the room, having been left there by the abusers and instructed to wait for more men to arrive. At this point, both Kate’s family and the professionals involved in her care began to express frustration with what they perceived to be her “lifestyle choices.” They did not believe that she was being exploited and instead assumed that she – still 16 – was willingly meeting adult men. This “misinterpretation” of Kate’s situation had a profound impact on how professionals responded to her in the following months and years. Because they believed her behaviour was voluntary, subsequent incidents – such as unexplained absences, being found in hotels, receiving inappropriate messages, or associating with adult men – were treated as matters of personal choice rather than indicators of ongoing exploitation. As a result, these events were not treated as safeguarding concerns. Instead of exploring the possibility that she was being coerced or controlled, professionals increasingly framed the issue as one of behavioural difficulty, risk-taking, or non-compliance. This perspective, Kate alleges, influenced decision-making across agencies. Referrals were closed prematurely, safeguarding meetings did not lead to protective action, and disclosures or partial disclosures were not pursued with the seriousness she felt they required. The assumption that she was engaged in consensual activity meant that professionals did not intervene effectively, even when the circumstances strongly indicated exploitation. This perspective reinforced her isolation, reduced her ability to seek help, and ultimately allowed the exploitation to continue and escalate. On one occasion around this time, concerns were raised at Kate’s school. She was escorted to an office where the Assistant Headteacher, the Designated Safeguarding Lead (DSL), a PCSO, a police officer, her social worker, the school 93
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nurse, and her Head of Year were present. They prevented her from leaving the room and pressed her for names and details about the individuals involved in the abuse. At that time, due to fear, coercion, and the threats she felt she was under, she did not feel safe or able to provide the information they were requesting. Instead, she provided the nicknames of some of the individuals involved. Kate was visibly shaking and repeatedly asked to leave, explaining that she would be in significant danger if she revealed further information. After the meeting concluded, Kate was allowed to leave but no protective measures were put in place. She was not supervised, safeguarded, or provided with any immediate safety planning. Despite indicators of fear and coercion, she was permitted to return home and continue her usual routine. No follow-up action was taken to monitor her well-being in the days that followed. After the meeting at the school, Kate’s abusers made it clear that they knew she had spoken to the police. They told her that they were aware of every time she spoke to the police, as “they had people on the inside.” They accused her of “snitching,” telling her that she would “pay for it.” Shortly afterwards, she was taken to a remote, wooded location. The young girl whom Kate had met before was also present. Initially, Kate believed they had been taken there for another “job.” The men then subjected the girl to extreme sexual and physical violence while Kate was forcibly restrained and made to witness what happened. Kate alleges that the girl was then murdered in front of her. Following the incident, Kate reports that the abusers used what had happened as a direct and ongoing threat to ensure Kate’s silence. They repeatedly told her that the murder had occurred because she had spoken to the police and insisted that it was her fault. This message was delivered consistently and became a central part of their coercive control. They made it clear that the same thing could happen to Kate or to others if she ever disclosed anything again. On another occasion, Kate reports that she was taken from her local church at a Sunday morning service. She was taken to a nearby city, an hour away, to do “jobs.” She alleges that she was raped in the car on the way to the city. She eventually managed to get away from her perpetrators, but they followed and 94
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caught up with her and dragged her off a canal path and raped her. After the perpetrators left, Kate left the structure and attempted to walk back along the canal path. She was visibly injured, distressed, and her clothing was damaged. A group of men who were fishing nearby saw her in this state and contacted the police. Emergency services attended, and she was taken to the hospital for medical attention. Kate reports that no effective safeguarding measures were put in place following this incident. When Kate turned 17, she joined a local college. This transition created a significant change in her routine. She had more independence, fewer supervised hours, and less direct oversight from adults compared with her previous school. This increased her vulnerability, as the individuals exploiting her were able to take advantage of the additional freedom and reduced monitoring associated with college life. Kate’s parents found it increasingly difficult to keep her safe and was placed in Edge of Care Services under the age of 18. She stayed at the care home 2 nights a week as ‘respite care’ for her family. During this period, she reports that she was trafficked by the gang to London. While there, she was subjected to repeated sexual exploitation. At one point, she managed to contact the care home and inform them of her location. A colleague provided guidance over the phone and directed Kate to a place where she could remain safe until help arrived. The police attended and collected her from the location. She disclosed the exploitation that had occurred, and, on this occasion, the officers took her account seriously and responded with what she felt was appropriate concern. They advised that she should not return immediately to her local area due to the risks to her safety. However, Kate’s local authority did not agree with this and insisted that she be returned home. Staff from the care home travelled to London to collect her and return her to the placement. During this period, a retired police officer became aware of Kate’s situation through a mutual connection. A friend got in touch with him on Kate’s behalf and he got in touch with Kate. He travelled to meet her in person the next morning and came to her college. He expressed an intention to support her and 95
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stated that he believed he could assist, but explained that, due to her age, he would need to liaise with my allocated social worker before taking any formal action. Kate’s social worker declined to engage with him. The situation quickly became confusing and overwhelming for Kate – the lack of cooperation from professionals, combined with the ongoing exploitation and her deteriorating mental health, led to a significant emotional crisis. Kate became extremely distressed and expressed intentions to end her life while at college. As a result, she was sectioned under the Mental Health Act and taken for assessment. Shortly after this incident, Kate was taken again by the individuals exploiting her. They told her that they knew she had spoken to the police. She was removed from college and taken to “a Red Room setting.” Another girl, Meg, was also present. During this incident, Kate alleges that she was forced to witness extreme violence that resulted in Meg losing her life. This, she says, was done deliberately, and the perpetrators made it clear that this was a direct consequence of their belief that she had disclosed information to the police after her sectioning. Before Kate was due to start university, she reports that she was taken to London during the Notting Hill Carnival and made to engage in “street-based sex work.” At one point, Kate found the nearest police officers and attempted to explain that she was not safe, that she had been trafficked, and that she was worried her abusers would find her. They confirmed that she had been reported as a missing person and contacted Kate’s father, who told the officers that she was lying and refused to come and collect her. The officers then transported her to a police station. When she arrived, she was told that she could not remain there and that, because her father had declined to collect her, she would need to leave the station. No safeguarding measures were put in place, and she feared that the individuals exploiting her would find her again. She felt entirely abandoned by the adults and professionals who should have kept her safe and, overwhelmed and distressed, again attempted to take her own life. 96
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Soon after, she started university – a goal she wanted to achieve as she thought it would be a route out of the abuse. However, the increased independence and reduced oversight associated with university life created new opportunities for the individuals abusing her to extend the exploitation beyond Kate’s local area. This, she reports, marked the point at which her trafficking became national in scope, with the abuse occurring across multiple regions of Britain. Over the course of this academic year, Kate alleges that she was regularly taken to a range of cities across Britain. These movements were frequent, often unplanned, and carried out with little notice, making it impossible for her to establish any stability or predictability in her daily life. The level of violence during this period increased significantly. My injuries became more frequent and more visible. On several occasions, Kate’s university lecturers and friends noticed bruises and other marks, which reflected the severity and regularity of the abuse. Despite these indicators of harm, no effective safeguarding intervention took place, and the exploitation continued. On one occasion, Kate was taken by her abusers from an area close to the university. They told her that she was “in trouble” because she had not been available for “jobs” due to a recent hospital admission. She was transported to a remote location, and held in a caravan for “approximately nine days.” During this period, she reports that she was subjected to repeated sexual violence, severe physical assaults, and sustained torture – including being raped by a dog as the men placed bets on whether it would penetrate her vagina or her anus, filmed, and forced to rewatch the footage. This was “the most extreme and prolonged” incident she experienced and represented a significant escalation in the level of harm and control being exerted over her. The duration, isolation, and intensity of the abuse during this period had a lasting and profound impact on her physical and psychological well-being. Over the following year, Kate went missing for several extended periods and was subjected to continuous trafficking and rape across the country. When the COVID-19 lockdown began, her day-to-day movements and university activities were restricted in line with national guidance. However, the individuals 97
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RE: The+Rape+Gang+Inquiry+Report [Part 1/9]